[Since early 1993, when this article was originally written, the FAP has been banned in the Federal Republic.]. 6–7. [105], When Haverbeck’s book on Steiner’s nationalism was published, it caused an outcry of protest among outraged countercultural Anthroposophists who send their children to Waldorf Schools, use Demeter products, and are in no way racists or fascists. During the Third Reich, Staudenmaier goes on to show, Nazi “ecologists” even made organic farming, vegetarianism, nature worship, and related themes into key elements not only in their ideology but in their governmental policies. It decried the accelerating extinction of species, disturbance of global ecosystemic balance, deforestation, destruction of aboriginal peoples and of wild habitats, urban sprawl, and the increasing alienation of people from nature. Equally disconcerting is the attempt by fascist ideologists and political groups to use ecology in the service of social reaction. [28] Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, München, 1935, p. 314. 73 p. San Francisco: AK Press, 1995. Political ecology thinkers have yet to fully examine the political implications of these ideas in the English-speaking world as well as in Germany. [24] Reproduced in Joachim Wolschke-Bulmahn, Auf der Suche nach Arkadien, München, 1990, p. 147. It went wrong in the execution — for one thing, it was very violent. Tied in as it is with the logic of productivism, Christianity, Eichberg writes, is the “religion of growth” that must be fought at all costs. We therefore reject the unlimited acceptance of foreigners.” [184] Accordingly, Gruhl demands “an end to immigration for ecological reasons.” [185], The ‘laws of nature,’ for Gruhl, offer a solution to Third World immigration, especially the ‘law’ that “the only acceptable currency with which violations of natural law can be paid for is death. [190] Quoted in Paul, “EK III,” pp. It was Hess who introduced Darré to Hitler, thus securing the “green wing” its first power base. Bahro, let it be said, claims to look for the roots of the ecological crisis in the “sickness” in “white Nordic humanity.” But the far right most often locates these roots in non-Europeans and uses ‘ecology’ to marshal classic racist arguments against Third World immigration. A love of the natural world and alienation from modern society are in themselves innocent and legitimate ideas, and it was by no means a historical necessity that they be permutated into a justification for mass murder. [93] Rudolf Steiner, lecture (3 March 1923), Gesamtausgabe, vol. Quantity. They regard the protection of the environment as part of the protection of a people, of its biological “substance” and its national identity. 82–107, at 86. It certainly does not indicate any inherent or inevitable connection between ecological issues and right-wing politics; alongside the reactionary tradition surveyed here, there has always been an equally vital heritage of left-libertarian ecology, in Germany as elsewhere. For most compassionate and humane people today, the ecological crisis is a source of major concern. Comprised of two essays—"Fascist Ideology: The Green Wing of the Nazi Party and its Historical Antecedents" and "Ecology and the Modernization of Fascism in the German Ultra-Right,"— Ecofascism examines aspects of German fascism… But the real lesson here is just the opposite: Even the most laudable of causes can be perverted and instrumentalized in the service of criminal savagery. Social Darwinist ‘ecology’ can then advance seemingly ‘ecological’ reasons for keeping out immigrants and for asserting ethnic or national identity — while avoiding the terminology of race. 131–32. The various strands of the youth movement shared a common self-conception: they were a purportedly ‘non-political’ response to a deep cultural crisis, stressing the primacy of direct emotional experience over social critique and action. Despite its singularities, the German experience offers a clear warning against the misuse of ecology… Today, the Solidaristen and other NRs regard Otto Strasser in particular as the ‘Trotsky of National Socialism’ because of his 1920s intraparty power struggle with Hitler; Hitler’s ejection of this fascist in 1930 was, for them, a betrayal of National Socialism. Although this article has focused on the ‘ecological’ right in the Federal Republic, ‘ecological’ fascism is hardly limited to that country. The first two root races, the Polar and Hyperborean, were ‘astral-etheric’; they are now extinct — the evolutionary process superseded them. “But that is precisely what can save us! “The unity of blood and soil must be restored,” proclaimed Richard Walther Darré in 1930. [64], This is the true legacy of ecofascism in power: “genocide developed into a necessity under the cloak of environment protection.” [65]. Ecofascism: Lessons from the German Experience (co-written with Peter Staudenmaier) (1996) The Politics of Social Ecology (1996) The Murray Bookchin Reader (editor) (1997) Books by Janet Biehl can … [10] Daniel Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism: Social Darwinism in Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League, New York, 1971, p. xvii. See her Blood and Soil: Walther Darré and Hitler’s ‘Green Party’, Bourne End, 1985, and Ecology in the 20th Century: A History, New Haven, 1989. It was one of the basic ideological elements of National Socialism ... “, [37] R. Walther Darré, Um Blut und Boden: Reden und Aufsätze, München, 1939, p. 28. Rede auf der Bundesdelegiertenkonferenz der Grünen” (Hamburg), Kommune 1 (1985), pp. In 1981, he was a signatory of the notorious Heidelberg Manifesto, a document drawn up by a group of professors to warn the German people of the dangers that immigration posed to them. Comprised of two essays—"Fascist Ideology: The Green Wing of the Nazi Party and its Historical Antecedents" and "Ecology and the Modernization of Fascism in the German Ultra-Right,"—Ecofascism … Steiner is also the founder of biodynamic farming, a form of organic agriculture that does without pesticides and tries to foster a more organic relationship between cultivator and soil. The record of fascist ecology shows that under the right conditions such an orientation can quickly lead to barbarism. [85]. Already many Germans have become foreigners in their living districts and workplaces, and thus in their own Heimat. He was an even more tenacious proponent of organic farming than Darré, and pushed the latter to take more demonstrative steps in support of the lebensgesetzliche Landbauweise. See also Norbert Frei, National Socialist Rule in Germany, Oxford, 1993, p. 56: “The change in direction towards the ‘soil’ had not been an electoral tactic. Todt was just as convinced a Nazi as Darré or Hess; on the extent (and pettiness) of his allegiance to antisemitic policies, see Alan Beyerchen, Scientists Under Hitler, New Haven, 1977, pages 66–68 and 289. [120] Conversation with Rudolf Bahro, “Die deutschen,” Streitschrift, quoted in Ditfurth, Feuer, p. 210. [30], In many varieties of the National Socialist world view ecological themes were linked with traditional agrarian romanticism and hostility to urban civilization, all revolving around the idea of rootedness in nature. A preliminary survey of nineteenth and twentieth century precursors to classical ecofascism should serve to illuminate the conceptual underpinnings common to all forms of reactionary ecology. Welcome back. An ‘ecological’ orientation alone, outside of a critical social framework, is dangerously unstable. [178] Antifa-Gruppe Freiburg, Beitrag, p. 68. Quoted in "Ecofascism: Lessons from the German Experience" - Page 19 - by Janet Biehl, Peter Staudenmaier - 1995; The United States is at present so demoralized and so corrupted that, like France … ‘Ecological’ fascism is a cynical but potentially politically effective attempt to mystically link genuine concern for present-day environmental problems with time-honored fears of the ‘outsider’ or the ‘new,’ indeed the best elements of the Enlightenment, through ecological verbiage. This is good. A much more renowned thinker than Klages, Heidegger preached “authentic Being” and harshly criticized modern technology, and is therefore often celebrated as a precursor of ecological thinking. He has escaped the mass homogenization of completely manipulated people who are “amusing themselves to death” (as Neil Postman put it), which is the goal of “One World” advocates, intent on power and domination. American cultural imperialism is genocidal of other cultures around the world, and its technological imperialism is destroying the global environment. Bahro responds that such “faint-hearted antifascism” has “refused” to “look for the strength that lay beneath the brown movement.” [160] Precisely because the left rejects the insights of spirituality, it can never see the necessity of völkisch-authoritarian structures and therefore can never give material form to the ‘German essence,’ he believes. The leading forces of both parties to the cold war were united in this common struggle against spiritual Germany. Janet Biehl and Peter Staudenmaier, in their book Ecofascism: Lessons from the German Experience, 21 explore the idea that fascism or other reactionary politics are “perhaps the unavoidable trajectory of any movement which acknowledges and opposes social and ecological … [126] Rudolf Bahro, “Rette sich, wer kann,” an interview with Rudolf Bahro, Connection, vol. The term has been in use for decades, but it wasn’t until Peter Staudenmaier and Janet Biehl published the book Ecofascism: Lessons from the German Experience that the concept has been … For one thing, Anthroposophy classifies humanity into ‘root races’ in an esoteric evolutionary theory. “The national question is an objective reality,” Bahro says, that is on a much “deeper basis than the class question.” [124], Moreover, whereas Bookchin’s consistently internationalist social ecology affirms reason and naturalism and repeatedly criticizes ecomysticism and ecotheology, Bahro’s version of ‘social ecology’ is overwhelmingly spiritualistic. [92] The following section on the root-race theory is based on Wölk, “Neue Trends,” pp. Just as the völkisch movement ultimately was channeled into the Nazi movement, so too new social movements that appeal to these concepts must be mindful of their potential for political and social catastrophe if they are channeled into a dangerous political direction that draws on mysticism. That such damage is wrought overwhelmingly by corporations in a competitive international market economy has never been clearer, while the need to replace the existing society with one such as social ecology advances has never been more urgent. "La historia del ecologismo revela, pese a los esfuerzos de algunos de nuestros antepasados por forjar alternativas liberadoras, una firme disposición autoritaria y nacionalista en muchos contextos dispares; y estos factores son objeto legítimo de crítica, como los son las raíces burguesas de gran parte del conservacionista dominante y las raíces coloniales e imperialistas de otras propuestas y prácticas ecologistas" (pág. environmentalists co-opting the ecology movement you actually get some good historical stuff about the Pagan Volkish movement as well as other environmental idealogues who did not toe the line of political correctness over the years in Germany. 1990), p. 28, cited in Wölk, “Neue Trends,” p. 132. Ecofascism Revisited: Lessons from the German Experience 188. by Janet Biehl, Peter Staudenmaier. What prevents ecological politics from yielding reaction or fascism with an ecological patina is an ecology movement that maintains a broad social emphasis, one that places the ecological crisis in a social context. This “green wing” of the NSDAP was represented above all by Walther Darré, Fritz Todt, Alwin Seifert and Rudolf Hess, the four figures who primarily shaped fascist ecology in practice. Since the mid-1980s, Gruhl has appeared as a guest speaker at various neo-Nazi and Holocaust-denial events and continues to publish books on ‘ecology.’ [174], Gruhl’s social Darwinist ‘ecology’ reduces human beings to their biological attributes and applies the ‘laws’ of nature to society: “All laws that apply to living nature generally apply to people as well, since people themselves are part of living nature,” he maintains. Until then, however, you must reclaim the inheritance ... not in the sense of this fine exclusionary antifascism but in the sense of further developing what Hitler tried to do.” And: “This dumb Enlightenment, which builds up dams against so-called ‘outbreaks of the irrational,’ is actually merely laughable as an antifascist syndrome.” And: “We have to be, so to speak, the better fascists.” [162] Another of Bahro’s fellow teachers at the Lernwerkstatt is Jochen Kirchhoff, who writes that “National Socialism was a botched attempt at healing the world ... and to ground politics in the spiritual.” [163]. Although he lived and taught for thirty years after the fall of the Third Reich, Heidegger never once publicly regretted, much less renounced, his involvement with National Socialism, nor even perfunctorily condemned its crimes. With social tensions exacerbated, neofascist groups of various kinds are winning electoral representation, even as their loosely linked cohorts commit acts of violence against foreigners. Todt was “one of the most influential National Socialists,” [45] directly responsible for questions of technological and industrial policy. In a further remarkable confirmation of the ‘green’ faction’s stature, Hitler once declared that Todt and Hess were “the only two human beings among all those around me to whom I have been truly and inwardly attached” (Hess, p. 132). He played an essential part in unifying the nebulous proto-environmentalist tendencies in National Socialism: It was Darré who gave the ill-defined anti-civilization, anti-liberal, anti-modern and latent anti-urban sentiments of the Nazi elite a foundation in the agrarian mystique. 53–72. [193] Bill Devall, Simple in Means, Rich in Ends: Practicing Deep Ecology (Layton, UT: Gibbs Smith, 1988), p. 189. [36] Bergmann, Agrarromantik und Großstadtfeindschaft, p. 334. [125] The author was present at this debate. ecologists, explore the German experience of fascism and derive from it historical lessons about the political use of ecology. Wozu steigen wir auf? His work, whatever its philosophical merits, stands today as a signal admonition about the political uses of anti-humanism in ecological garb. All the strivings of people ... for organized justice are simply hopeless.” [176] People should adapt to existing conditions instead of making futile attempts to change them, since “every life-form accommodates itself to that which it cannot change.” [177], If society were set up according to nature, Gruhl believes, cultures would institute prescriptions against those who deviate from their existing norms, since “in the hunting grounds of the wilderness, if an animal breaks the unwritten law of the herd and goes its own way, it generally pays for this independence with its life.” [178] Moreover, cultures should be kept separate from one another: “When many cultures are all jumbled together in the same area, the result will be that they live alongside each other, in conflict with each other, or ... they will undergo entropy, becoming a mixture whose value lessens with every intermixing, until in the last analysis it has no more worth.” The reason for cultural separation too has its basis in ‘natural law,’ “a law of entropy which we particularly have in ecology, and this law also holds for human cultures.” [179], In the coming years, Gruhl believes that cultures around the globe will compete for survival over the means of life, in a social Darwinist struggle for existence. This ‘anti-urbanism’ is the precise opposite of the careful critique of urbanization worked out by Murray Bookchin in Urbanization Without Cities, Montréal, 1992, and The Limits of the City, Montréal, 1986. It, too, presents itself as offering an ‘ecological’ alternative to modern society. They are updating the old nationalist, mystical, and misanthropic themes of the ‘Old’ Right, writes Jutta Ditfurth, in a “modernization of fascism.” Among other things, they are using a right-wing interpretation of ecology “as an ideological ‘hinge’ for organizing the extreme-right and neofascist scene.” [70], Today’s fascists have a distinct ideological legacy from their fascist forebears upon which to draw. [74], An ecology that is mystical, in turn, may become a justification for a nationalism that is mystical. In emphatic terms it disparaged Christianity, capitalism, economic utilitarianism, hyperconsumption and the ideology of ‘progress.’ It even condemned the environmental destructiveness of rampant tourism and the slaughter of whales, and displayed a clear recognition of the planet as an ecological totality. [102]. The impetus for these unprecedented measures came from Rudolf Steiner’s anthroposophy and its techniques of biodynamic cultivation. Ecofascism: lessons from the German experience / by Janet Biehl and Peter Staudenmaier. [5] Quoted in Rudolf Krügel, Der Begriff des Volksgeistes in Ernst Moritz Arndts Geschichtsanschauung, Langensalza, 1914, p. 18. It must co-redeem [miterlösen] Hitler.” [148] Indeed, “the Nazi movement [was] among other things an early reading of the ecology movement.” [149] Germans are to look for “the positive that may lie buried in the Nazi movement” and reclaim it, he says, “because if we do not, we will remain cut off from our roots, the roots from which will grow that which will save us.” [150] Today one must “liberate” the “brown parts” in the German character. Only the spiritualization of consciousness, Bahro believes, can prevail over biosphere-destroying materialism. [39], This goal was not only quite consonant with imperialist expansion in the name of Lebensraum, it was in fact one of its primary justifications, even motivations. 7–13. Taken together, these essays examine aspects of German fascism, past and present, in order to draw lessons from them for ecology movements both in Germany and elsewhere. Wölk is a spokesperson for the VVN/Bund of Antifascists and has published widely on ‘neofascism.’. The attraction such perspectives exercised on idealistic youth is clear: the enormity of the crisis seemed to enjoin a total rejection of its apparent causes. 197–200. 141–54, esp. Ecofascism: Lessons from the German Experience by Janet Biehl and Peter Staudenmaier. [59] ibid., pp. (London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1970; original, 1961), chaps. Author Günther Bartsch is an Anthroposophist who is also a National Revolutionary of the Solidarist variety; the author of an adulatory 1989 biography of Otto Strasser, he attempts in his publications to synthesize ecological themes based on Steiner’s ideas with Strasser’s political ideas. But more often than not, it has worked out for the worse rather than for the better. Holger Schleip, ed. Get this from a library! Opposition gegen Technik und Industrie von der Romantik bis zur Gegenwart, München, 1984, p. 220. FAP Nazis especially loathe “humanistically oriented cosmopolitanism.” Marxism, liberalism, and Christianity “have torn humanity from its connectedness to the natural cycles of our earth.” No “technical environmentalism” will succeed against the “increasingly obvious ecological catastrophe,” they believe. 286–90. (PDF) Ecofascism: Lessons from the German Experience | Janet Biehl - Academia.edu Academia.edu is a platform for academics to share research papers. I think that if we are serious about forming a popular movement and overcoming the ecological crisis, and if we are really to address what comes out of the depths, we will have to have a lot to do with what it was that found expression then and that is seeking another, better expression this time. [18] An extraordinarily poignant text and the best known of all Klages’ work, it is not only “one of the very greatest manifestoes of the radical ecopacifist movement in Germany,” [19] but also a classic example of the seductive terminology of reactionary ecology. Routine as this language may sound now, when opposition to immigration in the Federal Republic is much more tolerated and neofascists pander to it relentlessly, the Manifesto had to be toned down at the time (1981) because of the public outcry it raised. Apparently, German spiritual life stood in the way of “the strivings for world domination by the Anglo-Saxon race,” behind which lay “the intensive image of a call to world dominance, like the old Jewish consciousness.” Indeed, Haverbeck maintains, the two world wars amounted to a conspiracy against the German people and spiritual life. Reformulating traditional German antisemitism into nature-friendly terms, the völkisch movement carried a volatile amalgam of nineteenth century cultural prejudices, Romantic obsessions with purity, and anti-Enlightenment sentiment into twentieth century political discourse. [71] George L. Mosse, “The Mystical Origins of National Socialism,” Journal of the History of Ideas, vol. (Göttingen: Verlag die Werkstatt, 1991). The Nazis were at the forefront of conservationism, with Nazi Germany having some of the first legally protected wilderness reserves. National Socialism could then be seen to strive for the elimination of other races in order to allow the German people’s innate understanding and feeling of nature to assert itself, hence securing a harmonic life close to nature for the future. Bahro, by contrast, points to “tribal consciousness” as rooted “more deeply than class consciousness,” even in the spiritually “deepest layers” of a people. Yet as researcher Wölk points out, their protests were unwarranted, since Haverbeck was only presenting Steiner as what he actually was — “a crude nationalist whose demonizations were shared by the völkisch groups of his day” — to show his usefulness for nationalist and neofascist groups today. [125] Politics must be based on spiritualistic values today, in Bahro’s view, because “without a return to the spiritual source,” politics “will not be worthy of that name.” [126] Not only are those who see spirituality and politics as opposites fundamentally wrong, he argues, but our global ecological problems are in fact a material reflection of the inner spiritual “sickness” that separates them. The experience of the “green wing” of German fascism is a sobering reminder of the political volatility of ecology. But the lessons of Klages’ life and work have been hard for ecologists to learn. To help cultivate ‘national identity,’ he proposes instead a new religion that mixes together neopagan Germanic, Celtic, and Indian religions with old völkisch-nationalistic ideas. [103] Quoted in Betz, “On the German Question,” p. 36. This effort is not without long historical roots in Germany, both in its nineteenth-century rom, The reappearance of fascism in many western countries threatens all the freedoms the left movements have managed to gain over the last half century. Parts of the environment have already been rendered uninhabitable through toxic wastes and nuclear power plant disasters, while systemic pollution, ozone holes, global warming, and other disasters are increasingly tearing the fabric on which all life depends. 14–21. Ecology can easily be perverted to justify this ‘ethnopluralism’ — that is, nationalism. — Ein Versuch über die Grundlagen ökologischer Politik (Stuttgart and Vienna, 1987). Third World immigrants are thus threatening European culture itself, which will “perish not because of the degeneration of its own people, as previous high civilizations have, but because of physical laws: the constantly overflowing mass of humanity on an earth’s surface that remains constant.” [183] Therefore, there is no room for immigrants in the Federal Republic: “Because of its high population density, the Federal Republic of Germany, one of the most densely settled countries on earth, cannot be a destination country for immigrants. Service of social reaction the swan is white, without anyone artificially cleaning it See Dominick “... 1984, vol 41 ] See, e.g., Werner Hülsberg, German Greens e.g., Werner Hülsberg, crisis... Middle-Class resentment: the ‘ redeeming ’ facets of National Socialism and the ecological is! Into a warrior, you ecofascism: lessons from the german experience gone a little bit further can you go beyond it him... 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